Islam, Democracy and Civil Society
By Prof. Dr. Bunyamin Duran
Thursday, 17 November 2011 19:43
Islam, Democracy and Civil Society
Before starting to analyze the Islamic democracy firstly we have to introduce some assumptions. First of all we have to distinguish between secularization and secularism and then secularism and democracy. I am entirely aware of the fact that there are many confusion in the mind of people concerning democracy and Islam, whether democracy possible in a religion-oriented culture which is generally determined by revelation. This confusion emerges from a misunderstanding of some content of conceptions, especially the conception of ‘secular’ and ‘secularism’. There is an essential difference between these conceptions. Secular or secularization means in general sense, urbanization, democratization, industrialization and rationalization, while secularism is an anti- religious ideology which has some specific world views and doctrines peculiar to it. (Turner 1991:134-135).
Although many people are thinking that there is an identity between democracy and secularism, while in fact, there is no identity between democracy and secularism. Democracy is a political regime by which government comes in power with a general election for a certain period. Instead, secularism is a philosophical doctrine. On the other hand, we are witnessing today that some regimes are based on secularism, but they are no democratic, such as former Soviet Union and contemporary China and Cuba as well as former Saddam’s regime. Thus there is no identity between democracy and secularism.
One can also talk about ‘hard secularization’ and ‘mild secularization’.
Parallel to modernization and rationalization all people in general, Western people in particular are increasingly suffered to a large hard secularization process. For example if we look at the European societies we see that religiosity is decreasing day by day. In certain countries, where churches are deserted at all times of the year other than at the occasion of the main religious festivals (Scandinavia, the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands), religious structures seem to have weakened to the point of collapse.
This radical secularization has been seen by some secular philosophers as a very destructive process against human-oriented world. For this reason they try to invite again Abrahamic religions to the public sphere to perform their main function. One of them of course is Jürgen Habermas. According to Habermas radical liberalism and capitalism have destroyed human life which was based on human dignity, by instrumentation of men to maximize economic and political profits. To avoid the negative aspects of radical liberalism and secularism Jürgen Habermas has developed a very important theory, the so-called post-secular theory in which religious values have significant influence to establish a social cohesion. (Habermas, 2001)
Second assumption is that there is no conflict between the sovereignty of God and the people. God’s sovereignty is a theological, although the sovereignty of people is a political and a social one. One has to distinguish between theological and political sphere. (Nursi, 1993, 71)
To be able to understand the position of Islam toward democracy, we have to point out to some important structure of Islam. Firstly we shall briefly analyze the general characteristics of the Qur’an and then general methods of reading of the text by different Muslims scholars and finally its consequences in politic sphere.
The general characteristic of the Qur’an
As you know the Qur’an is a religious Text. All religious texts are very flexible. This emerges from the linguistic character of the text: all texts have both very clear and metaphoric verses. These are conflicting with each other. For example some passages emphasize the power of God, while others stress the freedom and responsibility of people. Likewise some verses explain the oneness and unity of God, while others express an anthropomorphic God. This case is valid for all economic, politic and human activities. For example some verses stress the absolute sovereignty of God, others point to domination of the people in the political and economic sphere.
This characteristic of the Qur’an is given very important authority to human intellect. Because, there is no other means then intellect to distinguish between clear and metaphoric.
That is the reason also for the forming of innumerable Schools in the Islamic history.
Muslim scholars and democracy
There is no given political pattern in de Qur’an and the Sunna which impose on Muslims to establish it. Instead this issue is left to the authority of the human reason and experience. But this doesn't mean that there is not any principle which related to the political organization. There are many principles in the Qur’an and Sunna that they recommend Muslims to implement them in political life.
The relationship between Islam and democracy is strongly debated among the scholars in the late twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first. Some of these Islamists believe that “democracy” is a foreign concept that has been imposed by Westerners and secular reformers upon Muslim societies (Esposito and Voll, 2001). They often argue that the concept of popular sovereignty denies the fundamental Islamic affirmation of the God’s sovereignty.
Many prominent Islamic intellectuals and groups, however, argue that Islam and democracy are compatible. Some extend the argument to affirm that under the conditions of the contemporary world, democracy can be considered a requirement of Islam. In these discussions, Muslim scholars bring historically important concepts from within the Islamic tradition together with the basic concepts of democracy as understood in the modern world. (Feldman, 2003, 31; Lewis, 1996; Soroush, 1999, 122-124)
Those scholars, who have democratic sensitivity, interpret all Texts in the perspective of democratic values. When Turkish scholar Said Nursi (1878-1960) was asked to compare between early Ottoman authoritarian regime and new democratic regime, he argued that the democratic regime is ten times closer to Islam than old authoritarian regime. According to him the public opinion, tendencies of society, consensus of community are basic elements of Islam.
Here the just place to point out the idea of Nursi about democracy, of course very briefly.
Indeed Nursi was a very realistic scholar. He treated the democracy in terms of human freedom, material development, social cohesion, human dignity and Upholding the Word of God. First of all he sees democracy as an opposite regime to arbitrary decision of one or few men. According to him authoritarian regime is anti-religious as well as anti-ethical. This regime has arrested spiritual and material development of Muslims in history. He believed strongly that there is no alternative regime for authoritarian regime other than democracy. He connected the notion of democracy to the religious Text. Based on some verses he argued that the institutions of democracy are directed to attain ideals to which Islam implicitly or explicitly addresses. Those are the sovereignty of law, in place of individual arbitrary decision; experimental knowledge, in place of individual inclination; intellectual reasoning, in place of emotional choose; public opinion, in place of individual opinion on so forth. According to Nursi the dominant factor in the time of authoritarianism was power; the one who has the power, sword and tyranny is the one who has the social prestige. However, in the democratic society not power and tyranny but intellect, knowledge, truth, public opinion and law are the reasons of prestige. Only one who has knowledge, intellect, and a bright heart is the one who has prestige. (Nursi, 1993, p.23)
Nursi’s notion of democracy is not limited to only form of government, but further it extends to all social sectors. He suggests a democratic system in which all branch of life must be designed on the framework of democratic values; knowledge, family, religious community and all sectors of administration (Nursi, 1993, 60-61).
Nursi’s very positive approach towards democracy has been provide a theological legitimacy to democracy in turkey.
Also the Tunisian Islamist Rashid Ghanoushi argued that: “If by democracy is meant the liberal model of government prevailing in the West, a system under which the people freely choose their representatives and leaders, in which there is an alternation of power, as well as all freedoms and human rights for the public, then Muslims will find nothing in their religion to oppose democracy, and it is not in their interests to do so.” (Esposito and Voll, 2001)
Depending on the idea of Nursi and Ghannushi we can easily say that democratic system is necessary and applicable for all Muslim countries. The interpretations of these two scholars indicate that democracy and the principles of Quran are compatible. These can be also the religious justification for Muslims who are living in Europe and America to participate in all democratic processes and join the mainstream of democratic and open society.
Civil society
The term "civil society" has gained currency as an important factor correlating with democratization in developing countries. Civil society is used to label groups contrasted to the state, regardless of purpose or character. Their mere existence and function is thought somehow to deter the state's power and increase prospects for democratization.
The expression "civil society" is used today to indicate how clubs, organizations, and groups act as a buffer between state power and the citizen's life. Thus, in the absence of such associations, the state dominates socioeconomic and private affairs, intensifying the state's authoritarian tendencies. Modern states have become more efficient in using persuasive and coercive means to achieve their goals.
Civil society can be defined as independent actors which exist between the family and the state; those institutions, organizations, loyalties, and associations that exist above the level of the family, and below the level of the state. In his definition, these are created by private persons, pursuing their own self-interest.
Civil society in Islamic history
There were, in Islamic history free institutions which operated independently from government and state ideology. For example the Ulema class (religious scholars and jurists) was very independent actors through Islamic history: Ulema’s function was primarily protection of basic human rights. Ulema class didn’t receive salaries from state budget but from waqf (foundation) revenues. In the protecting of human rights against authoritarian and arbitrary actions of bureaucratic class, Ulema has some strong allies. Artisans and some military organizations were human elements that supported action of Ulema against unjust palace policies.
There was, already a contract between ruler and people based on bay’a (in Turkish biat). When palace’s unjust policies reached at intolerable level, the alliance of Ulema, artisans and janissaries began uprising against palace. Uprising generally came to an end with victory of alliance, by eliminating negative elements in palace. This process continued to the reforms and modernization of state and society in Ottoman history.
In the course of the nineteenth-century reforms, virtually all these powers were eliminated or enfeebled.
In respect of civil society Turkey has very special historical heritage. First of all Turkey had very powerful independent organizations in own history. All religious organizations including non-muslims were independent and free. Business organizations also had very limited tie to the government administration.
Another factor which renders Turkish people unique is their being independent through history. Turkish people were never colonized, never subject to imperial rule or domination, as were almost all the Islamic lands of Asia and Africa. The Turks were always masters in their own house, and, indeed, in many other houses, for a long period. When their mastery was finally challenged, they won their war of independence, and are therefore able to achieve a degree of realism and of self-criticism that is not possible in countries where political life was dominated for generations by the struggle for independence.
In Turkey, democratic institutions were neither imposed by the victors nor bequeathed by departing imperialists, as happened in the former British and French dependencies, but were introduced by the free choice of the Turks themselves. This surely gave these institutions a much better chance of survival.
Another factor may be that Turkey has had the longest and closest contact with the West, dating back almost to the beginnings of the Ottoman state. Turkey, for long the sword of Islam against the West, made a deliberate choice for westernization, and for a Westward political orientation.
Specifically, the Turkish experiment in parliamentary democracy has been going on for a century and a quarter--much longer than in any other country in the Islamic world--and its present progress therefore rests on a far stronger, wider, and deeper base of experience.
One can add to these elements Turkish economic victory. Indeed many observers have attached great importance to economic circumstances, and, in particular, to the fact that Turkey, alone among the Muslim countries, has achieved a significant economic growth and a substantial rise in the standard of living, and this by its own efforts, not by some fortunate accident, such as the presence of oil in the subsoil. Turkish economic growth was not due to resources discovered by others and used by others for purposes invented by others. It was due to the emergence of new attitudes to economic activity, of new policies for economic development, and of new social elements able to put these policies into effect.
Muslims in Europe
In this context, especially the capacity of integration and participation in cultural activity of religious communities is very significant. We can here handle the integration capacity of Muslim groups who are living in Europe, according to their relations with civil society and connection with other religious and secular groups.
Integration capacity of different cultural groups
We can make a distinction here between different kinds of Muslim groups according to their integration capacity to civil society in Nederland. According to my stratification, there are three groups. We can call these categories, instead of Gellner’s High Islam and Low Islam (Gellner, 1992), as Mosque Community (Cami Cemaati in Turkish), Religious Community (Dini Cemaat) and Intellectual Muslims. The boundary between the three is not sharp, but often very gradual and ambiguous. They, at the same time, have some special characteristics.
Mosque Community
First category is the category of ordinary people. The majority of them is of rural origin and migrated from villages of non-European countries to western cities as manual laborers. They generally graduated from primary school and worked in their village as farmer, or seasonal worker in big cities. Their villages generally remained at a low level of education and Scriptural religion. The village-culture generally is dominated by magic and superstitions. But very recently, the peasants have been confronted with the Scriptural Islam and the rational religious thinking.
Their religious sources are generally Imams, some daily newspapers and TV channels. They have not generally a habit of reading books. Their favorite worship are the five daily prayers, recitation of the Qur’an without giving importance to the content of it, going to Mecca for hajj and so forth.
The integration capacity of this group is very limited, because of the deficiency of communicative possibilities. The deficiency of communication with the social environment is an important reason for isolation and marginalization of this group.
But this community is in a transition process parallel to their capacity of communication, transition from isolation to participation in cultural and political activities. Mosques therefore, become very vital religious and social environment through which mosque community able to attain connection with other communities. Especially mosque associations can be seen as an important organization of civil society to connect Muslim community with other people.
Religious Communities
The second group can be divided into two camps; one of them can be called intellect-oriented religious groups, another is the heart-oriented religious groups. The first group is called as Students of Nur (Nur Talebeleri). They are organized around some theological and philosophical books of Nursi as a reading group. They meet regularly to read the corpus of Nursi and Fethullah Gülen and try to discuss subjects in depth.
The cultural background of the members of this group is also dominated by rural cultures and traditions. They have usually migrated from rural areas of Turkey and are mostly confronted with Scriptural Islam in Europe. (Falkenberg, 2006)
These groups try to participate in cultural activities, especially in interfaith dialogue. Their starting point in this field is of course Nursi’s theology. Nursi has encouraged interfaith dialogue between Muslims and non-Muslims. They refer also to an important Qur’anic verse to be a good citizen in non-Muslim country:
“God forbids you not with regard to those who have not fought you in the cause of religion, nor expelled you from your homes, that you should be considerate and deal justly with them, surely God loves the just.” (Qur’an, 60/8).
They try to make their children well-educated persons. In addition, they attach importance to educational organizations. They have many associations, foundations, training centers and schools in Nederland. They actively engage cultural and social activities.
This group may be an intermediate social element to create dialogue among different religious groups and also among secular and religious groups in Nederland.
Other groups are heart-oriented communities. They have been formed under the organizations of mystical orders (tariqa). They belong to Sufi-orders. Many of them stress the development of knowledge of the heart.
For them it is important to obey the spiritual leadership and to experience group spirituality and mental development. Many of them do not want to be involved in intellectual debates.
The well-known Sufi’s communities in Nederland are Students of Süleyman Efendi (Süleyman Efendi’nin Talebeleri), the community of Menzilci, the community of Osman Tobbas Efendi, the community of Sheikh Nazim and the community of Sheikh Yasin. Particularly the community of Sheikh Nazim is very attractive to Europeans.
Their relations with social and cultural environment take place through their associations. Especially the students of Süleyman Efendi have many association and mosque in Nederland. They have also very good relations with local administrations. Although their priority is focused on religious issues, they also participate in some cultural and political affairs. In my opinion their participation in cultural and political activity must be more and more than present.
Intellectual Muslims
The social and cultural environment of Europe, which is based on freedom and individualism can provide an proper climate for the development of Muslim intellectuals. Particularly, well-educated younger Muslims in Europe can be endowed with Islamic and Western knowledge and philosophy and then form a group of new Muslim-intellectuals. A lot of students and graduated younger Muslims seem to be in the process of creating such an intellectual group in Europe. They have very active enthusiasm to participate civil society through their student associations.
Regarding to some active religious communities and especially young intellectual Muslims, one can assume that Muslims will be an important part of post secular society in Nederland.
Thank you very much!
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http://www.bduran.nl/bduran/artikelen/2-articles-in-english/124-islam-democracy-and-civil-society.html